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Standing to Sue in the Myriad Genetics Case

23 Nov 2011 09:07am Megan M. La Belle 

Fundamental Fairness and the Path from Santobello to Padilla: A Response to Professor Bibas

03 Oct 2011 10:33am Josh Bowers 

Failing Failed States: A Response to John Yoo

03 Oct 2011 10:30am James Thuo Gathii 

In Fixing Failed States, John Yoo shows why intervening states that seek to massively transform the social, economic, and political framework of failed states aim to do too much and ultimately fail. Yoo proposes that the role of intervening states should be minimal-enforcing power-sharing agreements between competing groups within failed states, rather than seeking to massively transform them into parliamentary democracies. To give a fair reply to Yoo's well-argued essay, Part I will outline in some detail the major highlights of his argument and its rationale. In Part II, I will offer my response.

In my view, Yoo overstates the benefits of loosening the prohibition against the use of force and the rule that occupied countries be restored to full sovereignty. By proceeding primarily from a security perspective, he offers a military solution that risks exacerbating rather than resolving the problem of failed states. His argument would have been more powerful if it were backed up by persuasive evidence and case studies to support the efficacy of his proposals. Ultimately, I disagree with the means Yoo proposes to fix failed states.

 

Tweeting to Topple Tyranny, Social Media and Corporate Social Responsibility: A Reply to Anupam Chander

29 Jun 2011 06:05pm Erika R. George 

Tunisia. Egypt. Jordan. Bahrain. Yemen. Algeria. Syria. Libya. Iran. As the winds of popular protest blow across North Africa and the Middle East, authoritarian autocratic regimes around the region are anxious. They face increasing risk of removal due to political revolutions. New media plays an important role in the revolutions occurring across the region as activists use various forms of it to register their opposition, organize protests, and expose state abuses. Images of the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi, the young Tunisian man who set himself alight in protest before a local government office, circulated in cyberspace before being broadcast by Middle East media corporation al-Jazeera. Observers credit his act, witnessed around the world, with sparking the Jasmine Revolution and leading to the removal of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali after twenty-three years in power. In Egypt, a Facebook page administered by a Google marketing executive helped mobilize a march of thousands to Tahrir Square in Cairo. Despite the government’s belated attempt to stop the protests by shutting off the Internet and using violence against protesters and journalists, Egyptian activists remained in the Square until President Hosni Mubarak resigned after thirty years in power. Syrian activists used Facebook to orchestrate opposition protests against the government of President Bashar al-Assad at the parliament in Damascus and at Syrian embassies around the world.11 And most recently, in Libya, activists and amateur citizen journalists opposed to the rule of Col. Muammar el Quadafi used Twitter to expose Quadafi’s violent acts of repression and the consequences of deepening conflict with the old regime. The spread of such uprisings—dubbed “Revolution 2.0” to highlight the importance of new media both in coordinating protesters and in developing social networks and strategies in advance of the uprisings—demonstrates that new media can play a crucial role in empowering pro-democracy protesters to start and sustain their movements.

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